Breakup of United Pakistan in 1971: Lessons Learnt

Introduction

Pakistan came into existence as an independent nation-state on August 14, 1947, after the dissolution of the British Indian Empire, to provide a homeland to those Indian Muslims who perceived themselves to be a distinct nation

However, just after 25 years of its existence as an independent state, Pakistan broke into two pieces. Its bifurcation has been the subject of intense debate since then because it was one of the most significant events in history after WW2.

Like all momentous events, the separation of East Pakistan had deep historical roots and varied social, economic, and political reasons whose synergetic impact resulted in the dismemberment of Pakistan. Here are 7 such reasons, namely

1. Historical Baggage

2. Political Mis-governance

3. Economic Mis-management

4. Social Dissonance

5. Regional and Global Geopolitics

6. Not Adhering to the 1970 Election Mandate

7. Indian Aggression

Let me explain them in a bit of detail

A. Historical Baggage

Pakistan inherited a vast disparity in the level of economic development and political representation between the two wings comprising Pakistan. Bengal remained economically underdeveloped and underrepresented during the colonial era for diverse reasons.

Firstly, Bengal was punished for its role in the 1857 uprising,

Secondly, it was not prudent to develop it industrially as it directly competed with Britain in textile manufacturing; its development would have adversely affected British exports.

Thirdly, developing infrastructure in the flood-prone region was not as cost-effective, or strategically important as in central and northern India.

Fourthly, the commercial importance of Calcutta relegated the need for the development of East Bengal to a secondary position.

Similarly, Bengalis in general, and Bengali Muslims in particular, had been systematically kept out of the decision-making processes in Colonial India after 1857, which had created serious doubts about the loyalty of the Bengalis towards British rulers.

In contrast, northern India, which played a decisive role in crushing the rebellion, got very preferential treatment in all respects like armed forces, law enforcement agencies, civilian bureaucracy, etc. during the colonial period. Pakistan inherited this vast disparity

This historical baggage of disparity between the two wings in terms of economic development and representation in various state organs was to play the most crucial role in subsequent inter-provincial relations culminating in their separation and dismemberment of Pakistan.

B. Political Mis-governance

There was thus an urgent need to develop a long-term vision, duly formulated with consensus along with a formally approved constitution and democratic institutions to implement this social contract among regions in letter and spirit.

It also needed devising affirmative action policies, inclusive economic development, greater social equality, appropriate political representation, and equitable sharing in administrative/security organs of the state to remove the feelings of deprivation among the Bengali Muslims.

Unfortunately, the relative inexperience coupled with the short-sightedness of those who ruled the country after independence let the historical forces take their course which pointed towards separation right from day one.

Ayub Khan has been blamed rightly for the separation of East Pakistan, for pursuing a flawed economic development model and inappropriate political reengineering through basic democracies. However, earlier regimes cannot be absolved of errors of omissions and commissions such as

1. Inordinate delay in the framing of the constitution
2. Failure to hold general elections at the national level
3. Insistence on a strong centre dominated by non-Bengalis
4. Creation of One Unit in West Pakistan to deprive East Pakistan of its majority status in the federation
5. Not having an upper house in the 1956 constitution to provide a higher forum for Bengalis to air their grievances
6. Dismissing the duly elected provincial assembly soon after elections and imposing governor rule
7. Not recognizing the ethnolinguistic aspirations of Bengalis

C. Economic Mis-management

Leaving aside the claims and counter-claims about the estimated quantum of resources transferred annually from East to West Pakistan, the fact remains that there was a systematic system of resource transfer through several means, such as

1. Keeping currency overvalued undermined the competitiveness of jute, the major foreign exchange earner of East Pakistan
2. The overvalued exchange rate favoured importing classes of West Pakistan, encouraging the growth of the aggressive private commercial sector in the western wing
3. East Pakistan failed to develop this vanguard of economic growth when all preferences were available for industrialists
4. Less than half of foreign exchange and aid was spent in the eastern wing due to strong incentives under the market mechanism in the country’s western wing
5. Inequitable terms of trade between the two provinces for the supply of goods and services. West Wing supplied manufactured goods, while those from East Pakistan consisted of agricultural raw materials, which traditionally fetch lower prices as compared to manufactured goods.
6. West Pakistani businessmen used to transfer all profits earned from East Pakistan to the western wing
7. Similar was the position with respect to the banking system
8. The majority of taxes imposed were spent on defence and administration, heavily dominated by the West Pakistanis.

D. Social Dissonance

Do not put the blame only on the ruling elites of Pakistan for the separation of East Pakistan, the public, civil society, and media cannot be absolved of the portion of the blame for this fiasco resting on their shoulders.

Not only the governing elites, but even the public and civil society considered Bengalis as an inferior race, and their culture was heavily influenced by Hinduism. Their contributions to the freedom movement were not properly recognized, nor was their culture appreciated.

What an irony of fate that the Bengalis, who were in the majority, had to pay human sacrifice for the recognition of their language as one of the official languages of Pakistan.

D. Regional Geopolitical Imperatives

The British had kept other powers out of the Indian Ocean to protect their interests. India, after independence, arrogated to itself the responsibility to maintain this sphere of influence. Pakistan was a hindrance to the realisation of this dream

Cutting Pakistan to size became the overriding objective of India, whose 1962 war with China had left it badly bruised; a quick victory over Pakistan could assuage its wounded pride. America’s pre-occupation with the Vietnam War and its warming of relations with China added urgency

E. Not Adhering to the 1970 Election Mandate

Pakistan held its first free and fair elections on an adult franchise basis in December 1970, giving a clear mandate to the Awami League to form government at the centre and in East Pakistan province. The military regime bungled everything

Instead of handing over power to the Awami League to exercise their constitutional right, the military regime in power used delaying tactics to let them have it. Once it became clear to Awami League that it was not going to form the government, it began to adopt non-violent means

This led to the March 1971 military operation, which had its own unintended but inevitable consequences. East Pakistan rapidly became a civil war zone where the Indian train of Mukti Bahni militants got overwhelming support from the Bengali population. We sleepwalked toward the separation

F. Indian Aggression

As per recently declassified documents, the Pakistani government was ready to grant independence to East Pakistan, which prompted India to launch its aggression for the quick victory it needed.

Citing the arrival of a million refugees as a humanitarian issue and a threat to their national security, India started preparing for a decisive war with Pakistan and launched a vigorous global campaign by raising the issue at all international and bilateral forums.

Unfortunately, the military regime could not grasp rapidly changing scenarios. Even its military acumen is doubtful. Instead of defending every inch of East Pakistan, with limited military resources, and a hostile population, defending Dhaka would have allowed negotiated settlement

Lessons for the Post-Colonial States

What are the lessons one can learn from the dismemberment of Pakistan within 25 years of coming into existence?

1. Vision Needed

Centrifugal tendencies are inherent in any post-colonial state because of boundaries left behind by the retreating colonial powers and the mix of nationalities that have clubbed together to live within these boundaries. It needs a very careful and prudent planning process with a broad five-pronged spectrum of economic inclusion, democratic empowerment, affirmative action, mainstreaming, and social justice.

2. Provincial Reengineering

The predominant position of one province or region, perceived as exploiting the smaller provinces, is anathema for any federation. You must re-demarcate the internal boundaries according to the wishes of the people. If one province is too big in terms of population or its share in the power structure, there is a need to balance this anomaly by carving out new regional entities based on language.

3. Let Democracy Work

Despite all the allegations, democracy is still the best form of governance humanity has ever experimented with. Let it run its course. Frequent, free, and fair elections will ultimately prop up capable leadership over time, making it accountable to the public. Only genuine leaders elected through popular universal franchises are capable of holding the federating units together; dictatorship always leaves the countries broken and in a mess.

4. Let Cultures Evolve

You cannot force cultural homogeneity through the barrel of a gun or state edicts. The evolution of a particular national culture takes time, to which each federating unit contributes. Let a hundred flowers of different varieties and hues bloom rather than having a garden full of roses only. Unity in diversity is the hallmark of a true federation. Give respect to every major language spoken and let a national language evolve over time.

5. Institutions Matter:

Sentimental legitimacy must be converted into institutional legitimacy by strengthening the service delivery institutions, improving their efficiency and effectiveness, and broadening their ownership. Some of the institutions that matter the most are the armed forces, law and order agencies, judicial institutions, and nation-building departments like health, education, and general administration.

Civil society organisations and media are two very powerful institutions that can play a crucial role in making or breaking a country. Timely and forceful articulation of the grievances of deprived regions by these institutions should be taken seriously and addressed appropriately. They are also instrumental in creating and fostering common denominators of cultural and social homogeneity in a country. Stifling them will deprive policymakers of a useful channel of two-way communication with the populace.

6. Growth Matters

Growth matters because it is only through growth that poverty can be alleviated and inequalities reduced, but the content of growth and the equitable distribution of fruits of growth matter more. Patterns of growth envisaged in the initial stages determine the prosperity of certain regions and the deprivation of others in the long run. Let the market forces work, but the state must always be correcting the anomalies these forces always create due to the inherent logic of the capitalistic model of growth, which is no doubt far more efficient than other modes but is also efficient in all its negative fallout.

7. Incremental Changes

Do not go for revolutionary and drastic changes just for the sake of structural transformation. The Law of unintended consequences may sabotage all your good intentions. Incremental changes allow you time for midterm correction and pay dividends from a broader perspective.

8. Devolution Works

Devolution of powers and decentralisation of service delivery institutions, backed by equitable distribution of resources, is one of the key instruments to curb centrifugal tendencies among regions feeling marginalisation. Devolution can hold any federation together by helping to prevent or reduce conflict because it reduces actual or perceived inequities between various regions or between a region and the central government.

9. Early Warning Indicators

Federations do not break overnight. Their seeds of destruction take time to germinate. There is always a time to salvage the situation before it is too late, provided the leadership is responsible and responsive, civil society is aggressive, and the media is vigilant. Keep an eye on early warning signs of centrifugal tendencies and address them in time and sagaciously.